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October 2014

Julia Gillard used her office as Prime Minister to mislead the media on her role in The AWU Scandal

On 29 November 2012 the Fairfax press published this article written by the well informed Editor at Large of The Age, Mark Baker.

Letter contradicts PM

Julia Gillard enabled the incorporation of a union slush fund from which her then boyfriend later stole hundreds of thousands of dollars by formally denying to authorities that it was a trade union organisation.

A newly released document confirms that Ms Gillard wrote to the WA Corporate Affairs Commission stating the fund, the Australian Workplace Reform Association,  was not a trade union organisation. Her assertion came in mid-1992, after the commission initially rejected the association's incorporation because ''it might be a trade union and therefore ineligible''. The document also confirms that Ms Gillard, then a salaried partner with Slater and Gordon, drafted the rules for the association - without opening a formal file, without consulting the senior partners and without taking advice from expert lawyers within the firm.

The revelations contradict Ms Gillard's claims at media conferences and in Parliament that she played a limited role in the formation of the association, from which Bruce Wilson and his crony Ralph Blewitt later misappropriated more than $400,000.

Asked by the Deputy Opposition Leader, Julie Bishop, on Monday whether she had written vouching for the bona fides of the association, Ms Gillard told Parliament: ''The claim has been made but no correspondence has ever been produced.''

Opposition Leader Tony Abbott broke his week of silence on the AWU scandal on Thursday morning saying the Prime Minister's ''fitness for office'' has been compromised by the new document.

''It demonstrates Prime Minister made false representations to the Western Australian Corporate Affairs Commission,'' Mr Abbott said on Sky News this morning.

.......

A spokesman for the Prime Minister had ''no comment'' when asked to confirm whether or not she had written to the WA Corporate Affairs Commission.

 

That article resulted in the then PM sending this letter on Prime Ministerial letterhead to the Chief Executive of Fairfax, Greg Hywood.

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Given that the PM's office refused to release any documents related to her role in The AWU Scandal because it was a "private matter" and not related to her Prime Ministerial role the use of her office to advance those private interests should have been a cause for concern.

http://www.michaelsmithnews.com/2013/02/wilson-tuckey-lost-his-ministry-for-writing-on-ministerial-letterhead-over-a-speeding-fine-how-is-gi.html

But more importantly, we now have more of the correspondence Mark Baker reported about.

Ms Gillard took issue with his use of the word fund - a word she herself used to describe what she'd set up, it was a "slush fund" but she's recently given quite explicit sworn evidence on the issue.  Here are some extracts from her sworn evidence to the Royal Commission.  She states Wilson wanted her to set up a fund:

Q. Mr Wilson raised it with you?
A. Mr Wilson raised with me wanting to have a fund in
Western Australia that would support him and his team and
their re-election in Western Australia and, you know,
regularising arrangements amongst the team.

 

further

MR STOLJAR: Mr Gordon says:
Now, around about mid 1992 were you asked
by Bruce or Ralph or anyone connected with
the AWU to set up certain unincorporated
associations to enable the union or
factions within it to raise and control
funds?
And you say "Yes". You give some more detail about that a
bit further down the page. You say.
... I was asked by Bruce to form, I was
asked by Bruce about the holding of
election fund moneys. It's common
practice, indeed every union has what it
refers to as a re-election fund, slush
fund, whatever, which is the funds ...
into which the leadership team puts money
so that they can finance their next
election campaign.
Is it the position that Mr Wilson wished to have an account
of that kind?

 

 

Q. You understood that the Association was setting up an
account?
A. I understood that --
Q. At the time I mean.
A. Mr Stoljar, I understood that it was the desire of
Mr Wilson and others involved in the Association to have an
association, to be a team that would run together for union
elections, and to have an account into which they would
bank moneys that they had fund-raised for that purpose,
yes.
Q. And the account to which Mr Gordon is making reference
on page 137 is that very bank account, is it not?
A. He is obviously referring to the discussion before,
yes. But if your question to me is - and I may be
misunderstanding you, Mr Stoljar, and if I am, I apologise,
but if your question to me is did I have any knowledge of
particular accounts operated by the AWU Workplace Reform Association, no, I did not.
Q. I am not asking if you knew the account number, but
the fact is that you knew that it had set up an account and
was operating an account under the same name as the
Association?
A. I knew at the time that I provided legal advice on the
incorporation that there was an intention to set up an
account.
Q. You certainly understood, as at 11 September, that the
account had been set up because Mr Gordon makes reference
to it and then you say, "That's right."

Gillard's letter to Hywood goes on to say that she wrote to the Corporate Affairs Commission "noting that the body proposed for incorporation was not a trade union".  Well without Rule 3A it clearly was.

Ray Neal's letter to Gillard is below.   He says her explanation as to the purpose of the association is accepted, however further clarification was still needed in the form of a proposed Rule 3A.

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The Associations Incorporation Act made any Trade Union ineligible for incorporation and a trade union was defined under the 1902 Trade Union Act as   

" Trade Union " shall mean any combination, whether
temporary or permanent, for regulating the relations
between workmen and employers, or between workmen
and workmen, or between employers and employers, or for
imposing restrictive conditions on the conduct of any trade
or business, whether such combination would or would not,
if this Act had not been passed, have been deemed to have
been an unlawful combination by reason of some one or
more of its purposes being in restraint of trade.



The condition imposed by the Commission of a new rule 3A was to craft the rules in such a way as to suggest that the Association did not have the characteristics of a union.   Gillard's letter of 13 May did not achieve that end.   Without the rule 3A the Commission had advised that sufficient doubt existed about the Association's status as to require Gillard's further action in the memo below to Blewitt.

Without that extra step the Association had been found to fall within the definition of a Trade Union - Gillard's letter to Hywood misleadingly states it was not.

Demonstrably true

If it was demonstrably true that the Association wasn't a Trade Union for the purposes of the Act, why the necessity for the new rule 3A?   Without the rule 3A it fell within the Trade Union definition.

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I'd appreciate your views.


A bit of reading on the US RICO Act and other trade union related legislation

 

We've published articles on this topic in the past - it's well worth reading up on the United States response to the sorts of corrupt activities we're seeing in some trade unions.

The US Rico Act and its antecedents at the cross roads of labor law and crime control

Miller centre

Whether you're right wing, left wing, indifferent to politics or simply a bit curious about the thinking that has informed laws and governance, you've a lot to gain by visiting various think tanks and repositories of collected learning around the world.   You can read a little about the Miller Centre here.

The Miller Centre has a particular focus on US Presidency and the governance process.   There are some fascinating papers here.

The Labor-Management Reporting and Disclosure Act: Organized Labor’s Toxic Cocktail

 

Today's post is written by Miller Center National Fellow James J. ("Jack") Epstein. In this post, Jack explores the origins and development of the unexpectedly related crossroads of labor law and crime control. The impact of these policies no doubt are alive in this election year. Both the Republican andDemocratic Parties included planks on labor and crime control in their platforms. Furthermore, the relationship between labor and Democratic Party continues on an ambivalent path and appears to be at an important crossroads based on events from the Wisconsin recall election of Scott Walker, to the Labor Unions' holding of their own shadow convention in July, to the teachers' union strike in Chicago.

On this date in 1959 President Dwight D. Eisenhower signed the Labor-Management Reporting and Disclosure Act (LMRDA), popularly known as Landrum-Griffin.  A notoriously complex law, Landrum-Griffin marked the achievement of two long-standing policy objectives for conservative opponents of organized labor.  On one hand, it restricted considerably unions’ use of effective, and thus always controversial, organizing tactics like “secondary boycotts” and “hot cargo agreements.”  On the other, it brought unprecedented federal oversight. LMRDA thus was a kind of toxic cocktail for labor, a more muscular version of Taft-Hartley, mixed with a variation of public regulation akin to the Securities and Exchange Commission’s supervision of corporate activities.  Despite this breadth of coverage, however, Landrum-Griffin has lived long in the historical shadows of the key federal labor laws that preceded it – the 1932 Norris-LaGuardia Act, the 1935 Wagner Act, and the 1947 Taft-Hartley Act.  Yet it is as vital for a full understanding of American politics today as any of its more famous predecessors.

Passed by landslides in both the Senate (95-2) and House (352-52), LMRDA showed above all the awesome political power of a criminal concept used since the late 1920s to attack American trade unionism – labor “racketeering.”  Supporters used public fears over the power of union “racketeers” – or labor “czars” or “bosses,” to cite other common catchphrases of the day – to attack labor and to garner political capital sufficient to pass their law.  And so, at the height of organized labor’s historical strength – in the mid-1950’s, roughly 35% of the non-agricultural workforce carried union cards – Congress passed, and Ike signed, a law aimed directly at the interests of unions.

You can continue reading this paper on the Miller Centre website - here.

fd

A little of the history of the United States union-related laws - leading to the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organisations (RICO) legislation

James hoffa

With thanks to the Miller Centre - this essay was first published on 14 September, 2012.   As Australia contemplates a Royal Commission of Enquiry into union corruption it might be helpful to think about the US experience and its legislative response.

The Labor-Management Reporting and Disclosure Act: Organized Labor’s Toxic Cocktail

 

Today's post is written by Miller Center National Fellow James J. ("Jack") Epstein. In this post, Jack explores the origins and development of the unexpectedly related crossroads of labor law and crime control. The impact of these policies no doubt are alive in this election year. Both the Republican andDemocratic Parties included planks on labor and crime control in their platforms. Furthermore, the relationship between labor and Democratic Party continues on an ambivalent path and appears to be at an important crossroads based on events from the Wisconsin recall election of Scott Walker, to the Labor Unions' holding of their own shadow convention in July, to the teachers' union strike in Chicago.

On 14 September 1959 President Dwight D. Eisenhower signed the Labor-Management Reporting and Disclosure Act (LMRDA), popularly known as Landrum-Griffin.  A notoriously complex law, Landrum-Griffin marked the achievement of two long-standing policy objectives for conservative opponents of organized labor.  On one hand, it restricted considerably unions’ use of effective, and thus always controversial, organizing tactics like “secondary boycotts” and “hot cargo agreements.”  On the other, it brought unprecedented federal oversight. LMRDA thus was a kind of toxic cocktail for labor, a more muscular version of Taft-Hartley, mixed with a variation of public regulation akin to the Securities and Exchange Commission’s supervision of corporate activities.  Despite this breadth of coverage, however, Landrum-Griffin has lived long in the historical shadows of the key federal labor laws that preceded it – the 1932 Norris-LaGuardia Act, the 1935 Wagner Act, and the 1947 Taft-Hartley Act.  Yet it is as vital for a full understanding of American politics today as any of its more famous predecessors.

Passed by landslides in both the Senate (95-2) and House (352-52), LMRDA showed above all the awesome political power of a criminal concept used since the late 1920s to attack American trade unionism – labor “racketeering.”  Supporters used public fears over the power of union “racketeers” – or labor “czars” or “bosses,” to cite other common catchphrases of the day – to attack labor and to garner political capital sufficient to pass their law.  And so, at the height of organized labor’s historical strength – in the mid-1950’s, roughly 35% of the non-agricultural workforce carried union cards – Congress passed, and Ike signed, a law aimed directly at the interests of unions. 

LMRDA did not, of course, appear in a political vacuum.  Even as Congress debated and passed labor reform, a three-year Senate investigation – eventually recognized as one of the twentieth century’s most important – was uncovering wide-ranging corruption and criminality by several regional and national labor union leaders.  The panel – the Senate Select Committee on Improper Activities in the Labor and Management Field – was popularly known as the “Rackets Committee” or the “McClellan Committee” after its chair, Arkansas Democrat John L. McClellan. 

McClellan’s Rackets Committee is best understood as a culmination of complex political and legislative dynamics.  From the 1930s and 1940s, New Deal opponents in Congress used antiracketeering rhetoric with increasing effectiveness to fight liberal reform and to marshal support for revision of the Wagner Act.  They also parlayed ongoing public anxiety over labor racketeering into two powerful criminal laws – the 1934 Copeland Antiracketeering Act and the 1946 Hobbs Antiracketeering Act.  Support for these laws derived from their sponsors’ ability to link labor racketeering to organized crime, which, they noted, had conducted complex interstate operations since Prohibition, and in the process had thoroughly corrupted big-city criminal justice administration, making local law enforcement a dead letter.  Both laws gave federal prosecutors unprecedented authority over what were common street crimes.  And they offered draconian penalties to deter economic coercion and extortion.

Whereas previous panels had focused on particular aspects of union racketeering – pension fraud; coercion and extortion of small businesses to accept unionization; suppression of rank-and-file dissent – McClellan’s panel investigated the entire phenomenon.  But that was only half the story.  For three years, McClellan and his ambitious young Chief Counsel, Robert F. Kennedy, brilliantly fed to newspapers and magazines warnings of upcoming hearings that promised particularly sensational testimony.  Similar leaks to still-new television networks looking to expand viewership assured live coverage for an avid American viewing public, only this time feeding to audiences real-life salacious details of union leader criminality, corruption and violence, with the occasional dollop of prostitution and narcotics rings thrown in for good measure.  The culmination came during the numerous appearances of the President of the powerful International Brotherhood of Teamsters, James (“Jimmy”) R. Hoffa, whom the McClellan Committee subpoenaed several times to testify regarding widespread reports of ties to organized crime; embezzlement of rank-and-file pensions; suppression of free union elections; and coercion and extortion of small businessmen to accept unionization.  The televised confrontations between Hoffa, McClellan and Kennedy remain among the most taut, suspenseful and dramatic political moments in the second half of America’s twentieth century. 

In the 1964 words of Alan McAdams, who wrote the first of what remains only three treatments of Landrum-Griffin, the law emerged from the inevitable cries to “get Hoffa!”  But conservatives “got” more than Hoffa; they “got” the entire organized labor movement.  Reform of Taft-Hartley had been a core domestic issue since President Harry Truman’s surprise re-election in 1948.  Democratic gains in 1958 on ballot initiatives, key gubernatorial races, and in the Senate and House raised expectations for Labor and its legislative allies that Taft-Hartley reform in their favor would finally be possible.  But the Rackets Committee upset all such expectations and produced instead Landrum-Griffin.  After 1959 what had been “organizational picketing” was now “extortionate picketing,” and anti-labor legislators, politicians and judges could now, much more easily, elide the distinction between legitimate trade unions and criminal enterprises.  “Just how many Hoffas are there in organized labor?,” opponents of unions encouraged Americans to ask.

 Labor power eroded steadily from the 1950s forward, and a 35% organized non-industrial workforce now sits at about 11% (7%, actually, if one excludes public sector unions.)  Meanwhile, some might ask, what happened to those 1934 and 1946 federal antiracketeering laws?  Democratic control of the White House and Justice Department assured modest initial enforcement of the Copeland and Hobbs Acts, though even in these years high-profile prosecutions captured headlines.  Conservative congressmen, meanwhile, focused on using antiracketeering rhetoric to transform the nation’s labor laws, as we have just seen with LMRDA. 

The Rackets Committee and Landrum-Griffin, however, forever changed these dynamics.  They made infinitely harder the political argument that there remained important distinctions between legitimate labor organizations and criminal enterprises.   Predictably, Copeland and Hobbs prosecutions ticked significantly upwards as the 1960s progressed, aided now by four new antiracketeering laws pushed by then-Attorney General Robert Kennedy in 1961 and 1962.  Meanwhile, opponents of organized labor in Congress moved their union racketeering fight from the framework of labor reform politics to the paradigm of explicit national organized crime control.  By 1969 and 1970 our old friend Senator McClellan was able to argue that Landrum-Griffin, though fine for its time, was now manifestly ill-suited to meet the Government’s greater crime-fighting responsibilities.  This in turn opened the path for passage of the twentieth century’s most important federal crime control statute – the McClellan-authored seminal 1970 Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act (RICO). 

The multiple legacies of Landrum-Griffin thus included, in the twentieth century’s closing decades, the decline of union power and the gradual replacement of labor policy with crime control as the main dynamic shaping the domestic political economy.  While the LMRDA was the last major piece of labor reform, it was in many other ways our first national antiracketeering law for the second half of the twentieth century.  And as such, it laid the groundwork not only for RICO, but for the explosion of federal crime control laws that RICO spawned, including key omnibus law-and-order statutes in 1984 and 1994.  Republican Presidents Ronald Reagan and George W. Bush burnished both their anti-organized labor and pro-crime control credentials at every available opportunity, while Democrat Bill Clinton pushed hard for passage of the 1994 Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act, and worked against organized labor’s leadership to achieve what was probably his greatest triumph in economic and trade policy – adoption in 1993 of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA).  And all politically active Americans are aware of two mirrored statistics that in many ways define today’s domestic politics – while union membership has declined precipitously, that is, the prison population, particularly among our African-American and minority young men, has, grimly, risen relentlessly and deserves redress.

ENDS

 

Hoffa time 2

James Hoffa, the General President of the US Teamsters union was at one point the most powerful union (and crime) figures in the United States.  

 

James hoffa life

But a string of convictions saw him gaoled from 1964 until his early release in 1971, when President Nixon commuted the remaining 8 years in prison Hoffa owed to time served.  On his release the union paid him a Teamster pension of what was then an incredible lump-sum, $1.7M.

It all caught up with him a few years later when Jimmy was "disappeared".

Jimmy is missing

Jimmy apparently knew too much.  

Much better to nip corruption in the bud I would have thought.   Good luck to Tony Abbott and his reforms.

 

 


What was gained from the Daily Telegraph's "story" about Nui Dat today?

Last night was a bit hard for me because of the anniversary of lost mates and the fact that every year it gets harder.

A couple of blokes who know the signs got in touch, just to be there as good mates.   One ex copper with his "big fishy lolly" story made me laugh out loud (thanks JD) and the other a former soldier with A Coy 2RAR on the battalion's 67/68 SVN tour.

The soldier with a heart was Ralph Blewitt.   We had a good yarn about hard things you have to do in certain jobs like the coppers and the army and we left it at that for the night.

I can't tell you what a shock it was to pick up this morning's copy of The Daily Telegraph in Sydney and see the front page dedicated to a "story" allegedly recounting an "atrocity" conducted by Ralph's unit in Nui Dat.   I fail to see anything newsworthy in the story, let alone front page and two page internal spread newsworthy.   The story casts doubt on the integrity of Australian soldiers.   The journalist or the editor Paul Whittaker weren't there and blokes I know who were say the story is bullshit.

I spoke with Ralph early this morning.  The little Vietnamese kid in western clothes in the story was known as Smiley or Smokey to the boys in the battalion.   A horrible thing happened to that little boy at the hands of the VC and an Aussie digger took his little body down from the wire outside the lines at Nui Dat.   He was wearing hand-me-down clothes sent from an Aussie family of one of the digs.

I know the signs of PTSD and so I spent this morning at a specialist facility talking about things with people like Mr N the fire and rescue bloke who found out for himself how much he could take.

When I arrived home, I received this note from Ralph Blewitt.

GOM
GOM said:
OFF TOPIC Michael but if you don't mind. The Story in today's Daily Telegraph about the massacre at Nui Dat in Vietnam in 1967 . The chatter on the RAR Brotherhood sites and other military FB sites is that this is bullshit and never happened. It is said that this was A Coy 2nd Plt 2 RAR in 1967. I was A Coy 1st Plt 2 RAR 1967 our tents where in the same lines at the Australian Task force base at Nui Dat we where along side the 2nd Plt FFS if this happened I cannot imagine anyway we would not have heard about it we eat slept and drank together. We patrolled together we fought alongside one another. There have been numerous comments already today from Brothers of mine that where there at the same time as myself and not one of us has any knowledge of this ever happening. In fact the question doing the rounds now is what did the Daily Telegraph pay for this story or does this bloke have a book a about to be published and is seeking publicity for it's release. I served under Major White our company commander and he was an excellent Company commander. For Ben Morris to make allegations like "Major White wanted the company's success rating improved by boosting the body count of enemy soldiers" I find disgusting and a slur on reputation a fine leader of men our CO Major White. PS: Michael that's smokey in the photo and I'd rather not talk about it it's tearing me apart seeing that picture mate.
 
Then Ralph and I had this chat.
 

Ralph just sent me this follow up.

GOM said:
I might add to what I said before about the story in the Daily Telegraph today. On reading it again Ben Morris the Plt commander who wrote this story needs to think about some of things he said and the picture published with the story He says one of the Vietnamese waved a stick at them Question for you Ben how good was your ambush set if the enemy could see you to wave at you. A bank of claymores (mines)the picture show in the story and the set up of this so called ambush is in no way we where taught to set an ambush like this is it a triangular ambush or a go anywhere you want ambush. If an officer laid out an ambush like this and initiated it he should be charged with dereliction of duty. And why are faces of the 7 RAR Soldiers in the photo blacked out this photo is on public display at the Australian War Memorial in Canberra.
 
Thank you for your service men.

Contract to make boots for Diggers goes to Indonesia to save $400,000

Jason Morrison's column in today's Telegraph:

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WITH Australian manufacturing in the death throes, you would think the last of the saboteurs would be the government. But it turns out that the greatest hypocrites when it comes to Buying Australian is the bureaucracy itself.

From next year Australian soldiers will no longer wear boots manufactured in Australia. Instead, they’ll come from Indonesia. The Indonesian-made boot isn’t better. It’s just cheaper — and when budgets are under pressure money talks loudly.

Australian industry abandoned by a gutless Minister hiding behind Free Trade Agreements


Never forget Steve Tynan and Damien Eyre. Never.

Today is the anniversary of the day Steve and Damien were shot and killed by arseholes who should never be able to feel they or their mates got away with it.

Never.

Steve and damien

Dazza the older I get mate.............

Some things stay with you for life.   The murder of Steve and Damien is one such thing for me.   It has intimately shaped how I feel about crime and why I have no time for thiefs and the lowlife filth they hang around with.

I put our former PM in that category.

In my first full year in the police force, 1987 there were more than 1,000 armed robberies in Victoria, mostly Melbourne - that's about 20 every week.   Steve and Damien were murdered because the armed robbery squad shot and killed Graeme Jensen - and Jensen had a pact with his partner in crime Victor Pierce that if one of their gang was killed, two "jacks" would die.

Steve and Damien didn't know about that pact when they went to work that night.

I still can't walk past a bank and see people with fullface helmets or burkas without shuddering.

And while I laugh with others about that two bob hoodlum Bruce Wilson, you can understand if I have no sympathy for him or his gangster moll.

My mate D lived with another lying virus Wendy Pierce in witness protection for months.   She and Wilson's moll are peas in a pod.  Lying degenerates who will say anything to help their hoodlum, thieving boyfriends.

Only we elected one to be our PM.  God help us.

 


Crime and corruption hurt us all. Why do union officials want to see TURC's investigations stopped?

The Royal Commissioner's public letter to the Attorney General makes clear that the Commission feels it has examined enough representative "examples" of slush funds and other union-related financial entities to make legislative recommendations for a better regulated future.

Lette on

It's not the work associated with those separate legal entities and recommendations for better regulation that's behind the extra year.

It's crime.

Elaborately concealed, expertly finessed organised crime.   Crime that's flourished with the assistance of legal, accounting, PR and other professionals.

The Commissioner makes that point clear in his letter, referring to paras (g) - (k) of his Letters Patent.   The Commission has developed distinctive competence in pursuing the complex trails of union- (and their advisors-) related crime and corruption and the government is manifestly right to give the Commission the time and the powers it needs to get to the heart of the matters before it.

If you are of two minds about the wisdom of the extension, perhaps you might look at it this way.   We know of the great benefits of the Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Abuse.   It has brought forward large numbers of victims of crime who were not given satisfaction through the traditional criminal investigation organs of our society.   Now imagine every contractor, subbie, whistleblower, competitor, overpaying taxpayer and other victims of union-related crime and corruption - up to and including murder.   Why should they be denied the opportunity for justice too?

Every time you hear someone talk about a political witch hunt, let them know there's another way of looking at this Royal Commisssion - through the eyes of the victims so clearly set out in the Commission's hearings.

Here's Muso of WA with his take.

 

 


15 July 2014 TURC heard CFMEU used leaked CBUS information - CBUS Responsible Persons have a case to answer

The CBUS superannuation trust deed is clear about the privacy of members' information.Cbus trust deed privacy

The CBUS Fund Governance Policies and Procedures Manual is clear on a range of prudential obligations on CBUS managers.   Privacy is fundamental.

Privacy Law
The privacy laws require the Fund to
comply with the Australian Privacy
Principles (APPs). The APPs are thirteen
legislative benchmarks that prescribe
minimum privacy standards for the
handling of personal information. The
legislation regulates the collection, use
and disclosure of ‘personal information’.
This is information or an opinion about
an individual where the identity of
that individual is either apparent or
reasonably ascertainable from the
information or opinion in question.
Responsible Persons will, in the
course of their duties, have access to
personal and sensitive information
about Directors, staff, members and
employers of the Fund. All Responsible
Persons must ensure that such
information is treated confidentially and
in accordance with the APPs and the
Fund’s Privacy Statement.

On 15 July 2014 Senior Counsel Assisting the Royal Commission into Trade Union Governance and Corruption submitted the following facts in his opening remarks on the Commission's CFMEU hearings.  Not findings open to be made - facts.

Cbus stoljar

In his sworn statement and oral evidence the former CFMEU official Brian Fitzpatrick gave very precise, self-incriminating evidence about how the CBUS information had been leaked.

Here is an extract from Brian Fitzpatrick's statement sworn on 14 July, 2014.

Cbus one

Cbus two

Cbus three

On 7 July, 2014 - that is 8 days before Counsel Assisting's opening statement and before Brian Fitzpatrick's self-incriminating evidence, CBUS had released the following media statement. 

The attempt at a diversionary media tactic is as obvious as it is pathetic.

Right thing Atkin waer Atkin shi Atking 4

The 7 July press release predated Stoljar's statement of fact about the leak of CBUS confidential information by one week.   But CBUS did not publicly respond after Stoljar's statement to the Commission and Fitzpatrick's evidence.   There was nothing further from CBUS in July.   Nor was there in September when further evidence was led at the Royal Commission.  It's important to note that Counsel Assisting the Royal Commission didn't say there might have been a leak of information from CBUS, he was precise and factual, he told the Royal Commission there had been a leak of confidential information.

CBUS remained silent even after Ms Zanatta's evidence to the Royal Commission and her admission (under the weight of overwhelming incriminating evidence) that she had knowingly leaked the confidential information, created a false story to cover her movements and then on two separate occassions given false sworn evidence to the Royal Commission about what she'd done.

It took a further week, until 9 October 2014 for CBUS to apologise for its actions in support of corrupt elements of the CFMEU.  The fact of Ms Zanatta's perjury seems to be a central feature of the CBUS change of attitude and much of its media statement relates to her stupidity.   That simply highlights the ineptitude, complicity or wilful blindness of the Responsible Persons at CBUS.   The evidence and facts in relation to Ms Zanatta were there to be found but CBUS failed to find them.   The investigative techniques used by the Royal Commission were all available to the CBUS investigative team given that CBUS paid for the courier, airline tickets and taxi trip which produced the evidence that sunk Zanatta - but even without that CBUS's preparedness to state there had been no leak in the face of overwhelming primary evidence of the leak was unforgivable.

For all its weasel words about the importance of its privacy and other Prudential obligations, CBUS was operated in such a way as to allow the leak to happen, to allow it to be covered up, to fail to adequately investigate it properly - and when the evidence finally became overwhelming, to take far too long to respond.

Here is CBUS's insufficient and tardy media statement.

Cbus 9 oct

 

 

 

 


Commissioner Heydon sent a second letter to the Attorney General - Christian Kerr in The Australian

Christian Kerr has an important report in The Australian newspaper today.

It shows both the Commission's importance and its discipline - as well as putting the meandering musings of Fairfax's Mark Kenny into stark relief.

A SECOND, confidential letter from trade union royal commissioner Dyson Heydon helped
prompt the federal government to broaden his inquiry, The Australian can reveal.


Attorney-General George Brandis announced on Monday that the royal commission would report at the end of next year, rather than this year.


He said it was clear from his recent discussion with Mr Heydon that there was a large amount of unfinished business for the royal commission to examine.


Senator Brandis released a letter from the former High Court judge that said: “There are dimensions of criminal conduct revealed by the evidence thus far suggesting that a more thorough examination of the matters ... is desirable.”


Opposition legal affairs spokesman Mark Dreyfus said Mr Heydon had not made any explicit request for more time in his letter and accused the government of extending the inquiry to bring its final report closer to the next election, due in 2016.


The Australian understands the government’s moves were made in response to the contents of the second letter, which details the investigative strategies the commission plans to pursue.
It is understood Mr Heydon requested that the second letter remain confidential because it dealt with operational matters. If released, it could prejudice the work of the royal commission and affect its investigative capacities.

Read more at The Australian.


Nick Jukes first contacted the BCITF in WA in May, 1992

Nick Jukes first contacted the BCITF on 27 May, 1992.

Jukes exhibits_002

Jukes exhibits_003

 

We know that Bruce Wilson was a director of the BCITF.

http://www.michaelsmithnews.com/2014/01/bruce-wilson-director-of-the-building-and-construction-industry-training-fund-and-a-gillard-mystery-.html

There's a fair bit of detail in the above entry, but perhaps the salient point in the Jukes letter above is in this paragraph starting with "it is our understanding the BCITF has funds":

It is our understanding

Picked the common denominator?

Bruce wilson