Gillard was a politician long before she was a lawyer..............
Friday, 27 January 2017
The paper below was produced by StephenJ.
Gillard's actions as a lawyer make a bit more sense when considered in the context of a "whatever it takes" political career, which included some part time work as a lawyer.
Next up - a few comments about Bruce Wilson and his 1985-1989 travels - crossing paths with the ambitious Labor Party up and comer Gillard.
The Motives of J E Gillard
The Trade Union Royal Commission at various points examined the motives of J E Gillard (Gillard) in relation to various aspects of the course of conduct that could be described compendiously as the AWU Workplace Reform Association Fraud (the WRA fraud).
Its findings in relation to these aspects are dealt with under subsequent points, however generally, it accepted her evidence as to her perception of her duties and motivations and applied a relaxed standard when assessing the level of competence she exhibited.
We believe that the approach of the Royal Commission was fundamentally flawed in looking at these events as separate matters rather than as steps within the context of the overall fraud.
When those steps are considered in this wider perspective we believe a consistent explanation emerges of the motives behind each one.
1.1 Character of Gillard
It is stating the obvious to assert that a person does not become Prime Minister without possessing a well developed political instinct and the inclination to use power with an appropriate ruthlessness when needed.
1.2 Observations
According to Kents biography when Gillard discovered that Wilson had been involved in fraudulent activities “ she cut it (the relationship) cold and never saw him again”.
She also refers to Gillards single minded ambition to advance in politics which supposedly caused her to give up a career in Law to pursue a political career which may never have eventuated.
Christine Wallace in her unpublished biography has some further observations.
When a timid Labor caucus finally moved to topple Kevin Rudd, Julia Gillard was ready. This was a politician at the top of her form: diligent, hardworking and talented. Here, too, was a woman who had a keenly developed understanding of power - what it is, how to acquire it and how to wield it. In this insightful, hard hitting and robust portrait of Australia's most powerful woman, Canberra insider Christine Wallace reveals the real Julia Gillard. She introduces a brilliant and ambitious operator with genuine personal warmth, charm and charisma. And just as convincingly, she uncovers the contradictions, tensions and frailties of Gillard's personality. It may not have always been pretty. Sometimes it hasn't looked principled. Occasionally the company she has kept has been questionable, but there is no denying Julia Gillard's achievements. Yet the question remains, as tough and effective as she seems, is Julia Gillard really a politician for the times?
Steve Bracks recounts the observations of his wife.
Gillards focus has been commented on by her long term friend Julie Ligeti.
When she was elected education vice-president of the Australian Union of Students (AUS) in 1982 she deferred her studies and moved to Melbourne, into a share house in Brunswick. Old friend Julie Ligeti was struck even then by how serious Gillard was about politics. "We were all trying to work out how we were going to buy our first car or which share house we were going to live in. Julia had this other level happening.
She was beginning her career in politics." Personal ambition and agitation for change appeared to dovetail. "She had a clear view at a very young age that she wanted to make a mark in Labor politics. But it wasn't just about identifying her own opportunities, she was also trying to push society along," says Ligeti
The Age May 18 2007.
It is important to recognise that Gillard was a politician long before she was a solicitor.
Normal experience would indicate that people in a long term relationship would discuss the major events occurring in their working lives.
Nothing in what has been set out above would indicate that Gillard was a person who would decline to enquire or be fobbed off with fatuous explanations and there can be no doubt that the Dawesville project and the supposed funding it was to provide for Wilsons NCB concept was something of fundamental importance to him.
As acknowledged in 2006 in her appearance on the ABC's Australian
Story described in this article :
'If there is one constant in Gillard's career, it is an understanding of power and how it works. As she says, she didn't get to where she is by being a Doris Day - a reference to the 1960s actress with the girl-next-door screen image. As she said in 2006: "I had to fight hard to get preselected, I had to play a factional game to do that, I had to count numbers, I had to make deals and I'd do all of that again tomorrow if I needed to." '
This position has been reinforced by Blewitt in a response on Michael Smith News
GOM said in reply to Kathryn.E...
During this whole period 1991 until 1995 I was Bruce Wilson's closest friend and associate and directly involved in almost everything that when on and I can say without a shadow of doubt that Bruce and Julia discussed everything about not only the AWU WPRA, but general AWU business and ALP business as well it was what they had in common outside of the bedroom gymnastics.
Whilst Bruce was in WA he was in constant communication with her about all manner of things related to union business.
Wilson was an expert in the rules of the AWU he used his knowledge to advantage when issues where raised at either WA State branch Executive meetings and at Federal Executive meetings, and I know he when in doubt he would contact Gillard or Murphy for an opinion on interpretation of a rule and I would go so far as to say Ludwig knew this as well and used Wilson at Federal Executive meeting to push points when rules where challenged.
They (Wilson/ Gillard) where ideally suited to one another he was ambitious up and coming leader in the union possibly within the ALP as well and she as we now know had political ambitions and used Wilson for his powerful connections within the AWU and as in it turns out it was the AWU that put Gillard into the lodge.
Yes they talked and apart from when they where under the sheets,I was very much aware of there daily communications.
Reply Thursday, 25 September 2014 at 09:22 AM
1.3 Conclusions
The picture that emerges is of a focussed and driven individual who has an eye for detail and the ability to make the political deals necessary from time to time in order to advance her interests.
It is not the picture of someone who would undertake the incorporation of an Association in a “casual or haphazard” way or who would accept instructions on the reasons for that incorporation which at a relatively cursory level make no sense.
It is not a description of someone who would persist in attempts to have a body with a problematic name and objects obtain incorporation when the benefits in no way matched the effort that had to be expended.
The notion that she never asked Wilson about his plans for Dawesville or that he never mentioned it must be in the category of a remote or fanciful possibility.
Of course it is possible that Wilson told her nothing and she never asked; but it is not in the least probable.
2. Operations of the Labor Party/ Unions
It is axiomatic that the Labor party is effectively controlled by the Unions.
The :Unions play the game of internal politics on a take no prisoners basis.
If any evidence is needed of this the proceedings of the TURC are replete with examples.
A brief survey would show the treatment of K Jackson adverted to in her statement of June 16, 2014 (see paras 193, 224, 271,351, 481) and include the influence peddling and numbers stacking disclosed in the TWU and ETU sessions.
The statement of K Jackson contains some interesting observations on the operations of the Party.
How then does it work in practice.
This then was the context in which the political ambitions of Gillard needed to operate to advance her interests.
She needed Union support and she needed money.
What happens when someone no longer plays the game.
There is ample evidence in the proceedings of the RC in support of the points made by Jackson.
In view of this it can be seen that for a politically ambitious person such as Gillard it would have been invaluable to have the support of Wilson and through him Ludwig.
It would also have been invaluable to have access to a slush fund that promised to deliver a steady stream of money into the foreseeable future.
It must be remembered that the WRA was used not only in relation to the Dawesville channel project but also with Melbourne Water.
It was only the movement to a central funding system by the AWU that put a brake on it. Certainly the proclivity of Theiss to offer funds to Unions did not wane over the ensuing years as evidenced by Eastlink and the Lane Cove payments to the CFMEU.
It is our belief that an obvious motive existed for the involvement by Gillard as a principle in the WRA fraud.
When each transaction is looked at in isolation it may be possible to construct half plausible explanations for her actions.
It is our contention that even these half plausible explanations can be dissolved on close examination.
However when the motive we have identified in combination with the proposition that she acted as a principle are combined a consistent explanation for each action individually and in totality is obtained.
The main aspects of the fraud will be examined in the following points against this background.